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| This picture taken from the 19 Ocak Kolektifi website |
Tonight
is the goodbye party for my father-in-law’s sister. She came to Istanbul a
month ago from Şırnak because she could not rest nor sleep nor drive from her
head the image of her brother in jail. ‘I had so many nightmares,’ she said. So
she came to see him for herself. We are sending her back now, but nothing has
changed at Kandıra or anywhere else in Turkey. Erdoğan is allowing news
channels to interview Kurds on the news again, but still shouting about how the
operations against the ‘terrorists’ will continue and Turkey is appearing on
news show after news show for having a record number of journalists in jail,
all the while talking about how democratic it has become. How much has changed
since Hrant Dink was vilified and killed? The worry of his family in the
following pages is certainly something I witness on a daily basis with my in-laws.
When I first read this last
chapter in the last chapter of Hrant Dink’s life, two things about it unsettled
me.
One, was that a similar thing was
happening to our family. As the book began to reveal in the last batch of
narratives I translated, one sentence was pinched out of a series of essays,
twisted, and used to launch a smear campaign that led to Hrant’s prosecution,
villification, and eventual cold-blooded execution. When my father-in-law’s
turn came in the endless round ups the government so disingenously calls the
‘KCK operations’, it was because of one line uttered during the course of a
lecture at one of the Peace and Democracy Party’s Academies. That line was,
‘We must organize our
people and we must make sure that they are readied in a way that enables them
to bring a people’s revolutionary war if necessary. If we believe that we can
create a big explosion, we must not be afraid. We must see ourselves as a giant
bomb.’
The explosion was a metaphor for political impact, the bomb
for aggressive activism, but that didn’t matter to anyone. Taking it literally
made the thousands of arrests and blackballing a righteous crusade, a safety
precaution, and it stirred up the race anger of a society trained to be stirred
up from elementary school. Thus, plucked out of context and spread through the
media, it spawned the same sort of frightening calls for violence that Hrant’s
did—From the paper Akşam ‘Terror
Academies! The plans of the traitors have been decoded. In oral lectures at their academies, the BDP
teach young men how to be suicide bombers.’
From the Haberinvakti ‘Alarming
details have surfaced about the founder of the Academies, Jew-blooded Büşra
Ersanlı.’ Or in the Yeniçağ ‘Everyone knows the BDP=the PKK, and the PKK is in a state
of war with the Turkish State. Those who
make war on the front must also establish security behind the lines.’ Calling
Büşra Ersanlı a ‘Jew’ was key—it separated her from that saintly ‘Turkishness’.
The same process was being followed as had been for Hrant—call them traitor,
accuse them of being anything other than pure Turkish, and then, eliminate
them. For weeks, I had this sick feeling
that that was exactly what the state planned for mamoste and all those arrested with him.
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| Rakip Zarakolu and Prof. Ersanlı--'accused' of being a Jew by the Yeniçağ |
Which brings up the second point here that I found so
unsettling. All the denials of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey suggest a people
that know nothing about their past and simply cannot bring themselves to accept
that their ancestors might have done something so heinous. What the whole
process of Hrant’s murder suggests is that the machinery and mentality that
spurred on the genocide has never been dismantled or even seen as wrong, but
was just as ready to go into action in 2007 as it was in 1915. Look, please, in the following translations,
at how elements of the Turkish media manage to turn themselves into the
victims—the endless playthings of the Great Powers who denigrate Turkishness
--a precursor idea that also served as a justification of the mass killings of
1915. Notice also the careful way they quickly draw lines between Hrant and ‘the
Turk’—nationalists go to his office to sing the National Anthem, ‘as if we were
citizens of a different country,’ says Hrant’s friends who was there. The words ‘secret internal enemies’—used also
for the Armenians of 1915, or the Jews of the Third Reich--make a notable cameo,
(and indeed appear in high school textbooks for the National Security class
like the one I swiped from my last school—referring to Greeks, Armenians and
Kurds). And then of course there is the way that the government used criminals
and fringe groups to do their dirty work in both cases. It is no hyperbole that Turkish historian
Taner Akçam makes when he says that Hrant was the last victim of the
genocide.
Luckily, things have not taken a murderous turn for our
captives, and the mainstream papers did not conduct the same sweeping smear
campaign that they did against Hrant. Rags such as the Yeniçağ and Akşam do not
so much form public opinion as confirm the fascism of their own cadre of
readers.
Signs of a thaw (though far far too early to be optimistic)
have arrived with the spring. There appears to be a flurry of political
maneuvering around the Kurdish issue these days, which includes the KCK
operations. The US wants something from
Turkey in regards to Iran and Syria and now suddenly Turkey is talking about
signing a section of EU law that talks about the ‘local autonomy’ that Kurds
have wanted for years, a policy that, until last week, could get you labeled a
‘splittist and a traitor that had to be stopped’ in papers such as the Akşam. Of course the Kurdish newspaper Özgür Gündem was shut down, then
abruptly allowed to reopen. Everyone
seems confused. Meanwhile, my wife’s family continues their visits to Kandıra
prison week after week and things have gone stagnant—with the indictment of
Ersanlı and Zarakolu, ours is surely soon to follow. They want 22 years for her
for leading the KCK. What will they want for us?
The türkü Hrant discusses at the end of this installment
comes from the Kurd poet Ahmet Arif—from a poem he wrote about being in prison.
(Check out this page for some English examples—the translation here is my own,
but—proudly—very close to the wonderful one on this website)
Haberin var mı taş duvar
Demir kapı, kör pencere
Yastığım, ranzam, zincirim
Uğruna ölümlere gidip geldiğim
Zulamdaki mahzun resim
Haberin var mı
Görüşmecim, yeşil soğan göndermiş
Karanfil kokuyor cıgaram
Dağlarına bahar gelmiş memleketimin
Do you have news stone wall?
Iron door, blind window.
My pillow, my bunk, my chains.
The sad picture in my secret hiding place
For the sake of which I come and go to those deaths.
Do you have news?
My visitor brought green onions
My cigarette smells of cloves
They tell me spring has come to the mountains of my homeland
Anyway, here is the second installment in ‘The Beginning of
the End’
ALPER GÖRMÜŞ (Writer)
The news about Sabiha Gökçen in the Hürriyet did not contain
any provocative parts, but told the story in a neutral tone. And Agos,
in terms of contents and tone, was no different. In any case, things did not settle
down with the Hürriyet as they did
with Agos. The atmosphere immediately
grew tense, and the result did not so much have to do with the Hürriyet being a much more widely read
and influential newspaper, but more so with the image it had projected until
that moment. It was such an image that while the same article in any other
paper would have been seen as a simple story of a tragedy, in the Hürriyet it was perceived as containing
a vile insult.
The first reaction came from the General Staff and others
followed. The statement of the General Staff that caused much unease over the
fact that this modern Turkish woman might, even if it were just in her
childhood, have been an Armenian, acted as a kind of catalyst. İlhan Selçuk of
the Cumhuriyet newspaper in articles
he wrote back to back on February 24th, 25th, and 26th, asserted that no
evidence existed to support the claim that Sabiha Gökçen was Armenian, and
then, as was the fashion of the times, connected it to a ‘conspiracy by outside
forces’. Whenever he reminded his readers of Sabiha Gökçen, he used the
expression ‘Counted as one of those kids that the Armenians abandoned.’ He
ignored the fact that they had been ‘abandoned’ so that they would not die on
the Death Marches. There were other writers who insulted Armenians ‘between the
lines’ as it were. For example, Hasan
Pulur wrote in the Milliyet on
February 25th that the relative who had testified that Sabiha Gökçen had been
an Armenian plucked from an orphanage as a child was ‘an Armenian woman who
came to Turkey to work as a maid’ and that testimony from someone of that sort
‘could not be counted’, then spoke about Hrant in a rather degrading manner.
In the Dünden Bugüne
Tercüman, Emin Pazarcı, in an article dated February 25th, gave an example
with a mentality that may be described as ‘open fire!’ ‘It has been two years
since Sabiha Gökçen passed away. Why did no one say a word back then and
suddenly all these accusations are coming out only today? What is their real
aim, I wonder? Do they want to give the message that a lady with leadership
qualities could not possibly emerge from Turkish society? If that is their aim,
then the culprit can be said to be the perpetrator of the ultimate ‘racism
against a minority’.
In the meantime, the news pages joined in the game, falling
in one behind the other in a race to eliminate any possibility that Sabiha
Gökçen could be an Armenian. The first move came from the Hürriyet with its ‘No, She’s Bosnian’ headline. The Hürriyet’s ‘Here Is Her Family Tree’ had
the same objective. ‘The Date of Her First Flight Refutes the Armenian Claim!’
said the Milliyet. It was as if the
more the news said ‘No, she cannot be an Armenian’ the bigger the evil wrought
by Hrant Dink became.
YAVUZ BAYDAR--JOURNALIST
When one looks at the Sabiha Gökçen incident that began in
February of 2004 and as it continued, quickly turned into a lynch campaign, the
essence of the problem becomes painfully clear. First, the reason it turned into
a character assassination had to do with the prevailing intolerance of Turkish
society on a topic that is considered taboo, and also with the ignorant,
merciless media that is the mirror of that society. That the cause of the potential danger was
the Armenian taboo was clear. When the ‘target’ was someone like Hrant Dink who
was determined to break the taboos, the ‘crescendo’ was quickly reached. It is
obvious from the clippings of the papers of the time that the first signal
flares to launch the ‘character assassination’ were fired by Oktay Ekşi, Emin
Çölaşan, İlhan Selçuk and Mehmet Ali Kışlalı. The true intention of the
continuing personal attacks against him in the weeks and months that followed
was not to debate history or make inquiries into the past with a respect for
the ‘true nature of the subject.’ No, by focusing hate and rage on the person
of Hrant Dink, they hoped to use these articles to frighten a thinking man and to once again
pull a cover over the truth. When that
proved unsuccessful, they set into motion a mechanism of threat that paved the
way for Hrant’s end.
ALPER GÖRMÜŞ (WRITER FOR THE TARAF—THE PARTISAN)
The Sabiha Gökçen incident did not contain enough
‘ingredients’ to transform Hrant Dink into a focus of hatred. What came to the
aid of this aim was the plucking out of context of that famous sentence from
the sixth part of an eight part series published in Agos and the twisting of
the meaning which was the exact opposite of the real one. In this framework,
the golden blow came from Hürriyet
writer Emin Çölaşan. Cölaşan is a writer who, when he wants to damn another
writer to infamy, knows well how to take a line from a part of a whole and just
where to quote from it.
In the first five installments of a series that Hrant Dink
planned to continue for 8 weeks, he said ‘In particular, among the Armenians in
the Diaspora, the perception and enmity of the Turk has a negative effect on
the Armenian identity. This is a ‘poisonous’ effect and they must be rescued
from it. Morever, thanks to the moral strength that an independent Armenia
gives and the relationship that Diaspora Armenians are able to forge with
Armenia, this feeling which can be summed up as ‘enmity with the Turks’ can be
purged.’
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| A picture of Çölaşan designed to make him look thoughtful |
And so Emin Çölaşan deliberately turned a blind eye to the
meaning of the whole and quoted those first two sentences from the 6th
installment of Hrant Dink’s series which contained the phrase ‘poisonous blood’
and finished the job with professional finesse in an article dated February
28th. ‘Freedom of thought and expression is developing in our country. We are
fast on the way to joining the EU. Everything is free and open! From the imam’s
Arabic writing at a wedding ceremony to the poisonous blood of the Turk! They
don’t want to join the EU just for the fun of it!’
Even if he wasn’t as influential as Cölaşan, another writer
that was as ‘skilled’ was Deniz Som of the Cumhuriyet.
In an article that Som wrote on February 24th, he said ‘This idea of ‘cleansing
the poisoned blood’ is nothing more than racism, and something that would not
have even entered the mind of the greatest fascist in history—Adolf Hitler. It
is no empty threat that the General of the Army of the Aegean, Hurşit Tolon
makes when he says we have traitors among us’
With this last sentence, the word ‘traitor’ is used for the first time
by the nationalists in connection with Dink, and is what spawns the repeated
use of the word ever after.
The head of the ‘Ideal Hearth’, Alican Satılmış, was able
to write in the February 26th edition of the Ortadoğu newpaper. ‘If we had said in the same way, ‘The poisonous
blood of the Armenian’ would there have been no sanctions against us? Does this
abide by EU agreements or the Copenhagen Criteria? Or do only traitors enjoy
such rights? The games being played are clear, the Zionist-Christian gentlemen
are giving the orders, and the traitorous AKP is opening the way and the traitors
are presenting to us every conceivable kind of treason. Let it never be
forgotten, let it be known that this wheel of fortune will not continue to
turn. God will protect and exalt the Turk.’
If you remember that on the same day that nationalists held
a demonstration in front of the Agos
office and showed the very real threat beneath what they were saying, then you
can better see just how big a warning these words were.
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| The Ülkü Ocak (Ideal Hearth) at a more recent protest with the same threat ontheir banner 'Today Taksim, Tomorrow Yerevan, we will come suddenly in the night) |
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| The crazy people (Ülkü Ocak) in front of Agos |
HRANT
Following these publications, on February 26th, a group of
nationalists led by Levent Temiz, head of the Istanbul branch of the Ideal
Hearth appeared at the door of the Agos
offices hurling threats and slogans against us. The police were notified long
before that they were coming and had taken the necessary precautions both
inside Agos and at the door. All the
television news channels and correspondents had also been notified and were in
front of Agos, too. The slogans used
by the group were very clear. ‘Love it or leave it!’ ‘Go to Hell ASALA’ ‘We
Will Come Suddenly in the Night!’ A speech by group leader Levent Temiz made
their target clear. ‘From here on in, Hrant Dink is the singular target of all
our hate and rage. He is our target.’
The group dispersed after their demonstration. I don’t know whose wisdom it
was, but none of the news channels with the exception of Channel 7 and of the
Kurdish Özgür Gündem newspaper
carried the news. It was clear that the power who had directed the group in
front of the Agos offices, except for
one or two slip ups here and there, had also succeeded in blocking the press
and media in spite of all these negative slogans and images.
KARİN KARAKAŞLI
On Thursday, February 26th, the paper was about to come back
from the printers. Hrant called. ‘The nationalists are coming to Agos. I got a heads up.’ A few minutes
after he said this, he arrived. Right behind him were three commissioners from
the Şişli Security Bureau. They met with Hrant and said they had done
everything to ensure our safety. Then a pretty big number of police took
position all around the offices. In the meantime, a huge group of people with
the head of the Istanbul chapter of the Ideal Hearths (Ülkü Ocakları),
Levent Temiz, appeared outside. Traffic was completely blocked. They began to cause a huge ruckus with their
slogans. Everyone around flocked to our door. Levent Temiz, with a paper in his
hand made a speech. ‘Hrant Dink, from now on you are the focus of all our
hatred and rage,’ he shouted. On top of that they sang the national anthem. The
police had filled the entire street and were witnesses to the whole thing. They
probably saw it as part of the ‘freedom of assembly’. All the cameras of all
the TV channels were there as well, filming. There were people from the
Security Bureau—they said ‘Geçmiş olsun (a set phrase you say to people sick or
in trouble),’ then left us alone. The telephones at Agos all started ringing at the same time. They wanted interviews.
We thought we had to get our version of events out there and prepared a press
release. But forget the press release, the event itself never even made the
news. Only the Kurdish Özgür Gündem
covered it. And of course the Yeniçağ
newspaper, who was only too happy with this, did not neglect to bellow their
own version of events.
It got dark; we closed the paper and went downstairs. Just
at that moment, on the sidewalk, Hrant turned to me and said, ‘If you think it
best, don’t walk with me.’ It was the first time he had ever said anything like
this. This sentence hung in the air for a long time….I didn’t listen to him of
course. We walked to the shared taxi stop for Beşiktaş in Harbiye together
without speaking a word. He left me there.
MAYDA SARİŞ
We couldn’t believe what we had come up against, these
nationalists coming right to our door and shouting ‘Love it or Leave it!’ and
‘We Will Come Suddenly One Night!’ After that, plain clothes cops began to come
to Agos. They said they’d come to
keep us informed about the protests and to protect us. They came in and out of
the offices and wandered the corridors with walkie talkies in their hands. Hrant, in reaction to this tense atmosphere
told us that those who wanted to, could go home. Of course, there was no one
who would desert Agos over something
like this.
Then they came. ‘The Federation for Struggle Against the
Groundless Armenian Accusations.’ They sang the national anthem, as if we were
the citizens of another country! And
then they left a black funeral wreath at the door.
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| The symbol of the Ideal Hearth--the wolf. They have an office on the waterfront in Kadıköy |
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| Levent Temiz |
LEDA MERMER
When the nationalists came, we watched everything from
upstairs. They sang the İstiklal March (the Independence March), as if we were
all somehow citizens from another country. They screamed slogans. After this,
some plain clothes cops, who all happened to be from the right wing MHP party,
started coming. They came into our computer room and sat down and we were
forced to serve them tea. Somehow that special atmosphere at Agos was gone.
After this incident, we talked about the funeral wreath that
Baron Hrant had received. I’ll never forget it. ‘Whoever shoots me, they’ll
shoot me in the head,’ he said.
RAGIP ZARAKOLU
Together with Şanar Yurdatapan and Abdurrahman Dilipak, we pressed
charges against those who raised such a ruckus with their threats and slogans
during the demonstration in front of Agos in the days after the Sabiha Gökçen
incident and the announcement by the General Staff, but this investigation was
not done on the charge of ‘making threats without permission’ but ‘holding
demonstrations without a permit’. In the beginning, the Nationalists were more
active, and later it started to come out that the strange organization of
previously unknowns who arrived at the doors of Agos that day had connections to Ergenekon. Whether to Hrant’s
hearings or to the Armenian Conference held at Bilgi University, it was clear
that this group would be there organizing a movement (against it).
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| Ayşe Önal |
AYŞE ÖNAL (Writer)
After that incident, I wrote an article in my column at the Akşam and finished with this, ‘I would
have said, the Turkey that, seeing the threat, abandons the Armenians to the
lynch mob; the Turkey that supposes them to be sacrifices on our peace
holidays, sacrifices whose flesh and blood and bones can be made useful to us,
is a society with a highly immoral freedom.’
They blew up over this and published articles full of
insults against me. They showed how brazen they were with headlines like ‘Hrant
Dink’s Mistress, Ayşe Önal!’ ‘In Bed with A. Önal’. Neither Hrant nor I let it
worry us too much, but it really hurt Rakel. Hrant looked me over one day and
joked, ‘I am so unlucky! They could have at least put me with someone like
Michele Pfeiffer but instead I get stuck with Ayşe.’ That was Hrant. If he felt
any uneasiness, he’d drown it with jokes to try and keep everyone around him
from feeling nervous in any way.’
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| A picture of Ararat (Arat) Dink published in 2010 in the Radikal |
ARARAT (Hrant’s son)
To be honest, from the moment he founded Agos we were nervous that something
would happen to him. It was a nervousness born out of the state’s attitude
toward Armenians. With time, we began to relax because Turkey was on its way to
becoming a full member of the EU and it seemed that there was no real
difference anymore between my father and the other intellectuals fighting for
the democratization of Turkey.
Then Dad went through that day where it was made clear that
he was now a target. The Istanbul Chapter of the Ideal Hearth came with a group
of about 50 people, and with their slogans reminded my father he was an
Armenian.
My father explained everything that happened on the
telephone that night. As soon as I heard, I ran to his house. It was the first
time in my life I had ever seen my father nervous.
DELAL (Hrant’s Daughter)
There were a lot of things my father experienced that he
never told us about. He started to talk about some of the more painful things
in his life through his writings in Agos,
but not all of it. All those things he’d live through were building up inside
him, and just because he didn’t want his children to worry he didn’t tell us
the problems he was going through those last three or four years. He only
shared these with Mama. But he did talk to me later about that demonstration in
front of Agos. He told me how that
they had come knowing he would be there working, how they had shouted all those
threats and then come back again and left a funeral wreath at the door. He told
me how hurt he had been when these threats made right in front of everyone’s
eyes were censored in the press. But this was all much later.
I had gone to America to study for a PhD and learned of all
these things for the first time through an email sent by a friend. All in a
panic, I called home. ‘You’re all alone over there,’ my father said. ‘Don’t
worry your head over any of this. It’s all over now anyway. Done and gone.’ He
managed to calm me down but little did I know just how shaken up my father was
about that funeral wreath.
RAKEL
Everything happened so fast, so many things coming one after
the other, horrible things. Trust me when I say I don’t remember just what he
said the day the nationalists came to Agos
and left that black funeral wreath or how he behaved, but it was clear to
any with eyes that see that he had gone into a depression. The whole family saw
it. I don’t know how much he talked with his brothers about what had happened,
but I’d bet that he didn’t tell them much to keep them from worrying. You know,
sometimes people tell those closest to them the least. Because they want to
protect them…
FETHİYE ÇETİN
When I heard about the demonstration by the nationalists in
front of Agos, I went with several
attorney friends to Agos to wish him
well, lend support, and give whatever advice he might need, but he wasn’t there
that day and we couldn’t talk with Hrant.
A few days later he phoned and asked me over to Agos. He hugged me with all the
excitement he usually showed. Karin was there, too, by his side. First he
explained what had happened at the Governor’s office. He explained how after a
conversation with Ergun Güngör, the Vice Governor in charge of minority
affairs, he had been ‘warned’ by two people in the room introduced only as
‘people close to me’, and how although this had all deeply shaken him, he had
tried not let on. ‘As I was leaving, I suddenly noticed that all the documents
were still in my hands. I turned around and said, ‘’You’d asked for all the
documents I had about Sabiha Gökçen.’’ ‘’Oh really?’’ they said. And that’s
when I understood, they hadn’t called me here to get any documents. But for something else altogether.‘ Hrant
summed up everything that happened to him after that day at the governor’s
office. He was worried most about those working at Agos. After that, he said a group of lawyers called ‘The Greater
Jurists League’ presided over by Attorney Kemal Kerinçsiz went to the office of
the public prosecutor in Şişli to press charged and submitted a request to open
a case against Hrant based on Article 159 of Turkish law.
This was the first time I had ever seen Hrant like this. He
was in a terrible state. He was even thinking of closing Agos. Very pessimistic. Karin, too. She was the one who offered me
the power of attorney. It was that day I learned that Hrant didn’t have a
lawyer.
HRANT (To Sungur Savran—Turkish leftist and writer)
Dear Sungur, my brother,
I hope that your illness is not anything serious. Although I
guess you were trying to give us some comfort with the lines you wrote, I still
worried for you. I pray nothing serious is wrong.
Coming to all that’s happened…in the way that cancer comes
to a man’s body, so does nationalism come to our social body. One of them kills
by gnawing away at the body of an individual, the other by gnawing away at the
whole of a great people. And if your home falls into the hands of extreme
nationalists, there is no recovery against the illness. From racism to fascism,
it can slide into every kind of social cancer. Next to this kind of nationalism,
the literal kind of cancer is almost nothing.
For years I have struggled to break the ice surrounding the
difficult-to-talk-about topic of the ‘Armenian Problem.’ I have developed my
thinking according to advantages gained from being both an Armenian and a
Citizen of Turkey, but wouldn’t you know it, I am not well liked by the extreme
nationalists of either of these peoples.
The strange thing is, most of the time the words said by one
group could be taken by the other as being said about themselves. This is proof
of just how much the two sides resemble on another. Only, for the construction
of a future for both the Armenian and Turkish peoples, it is vital that we do
not fall into the hands of such people.
They don’t like what Hrant Dink writes in the Agos because it ruins what they’ve
memorized. They have gotten accustomed to developing things to say against what
the other has said about them; they have learned each other’s defenses and
taken steps to counter against them. The results? They’ve learned that when one
of them says black the other must say white, and that’s how it goes.
When someone appears who says that there’s a gray in the
middle, they are dumbfounded. Should they swear at him? Praise him?
They can’t figure it out.
They forget all they’ve memorized, and as they forget, they
get more and more irritated.
Dear Sungur,
This is the second time someone has tried to trample my
honor as a human being under foot. The first time was after the September 12th
coup, when they tortured me by laying me out on the floor and, beating my
fingers with the heel of a boot to the rhythm of a türkü they forced me to sing.
They had heard me singing türkü in my
cell and thought they would have some fun with me.
I will never forget what I’ve been through. The second loss
of honor, I am going through right now, and believe me it reminds me a lot of
the first. They have dared to try and slap me with the label ‘Enemy of the
Turk!’ and are torturing me in the full meaning of that word ‘torture’ and it
is as if I am being forced to sing to them ‘I’ve heard the spring has come to
the mountains of home.’
Yet, it’s a gorgeous türkü isn’t it, when you sing it of
your own free will, in your own heart-sick voice. A song of loneliness and
imprisonment, especially of loneliness.
Loneliness I said, and here all these things are tactics to
isolate Agos and leave her alone and
helpless.
But they don’t know, that people like us, the more alone we
are, the stronger we become, the more you isolate us, they greater are our
numbers.
It’s not just you, Sungur, everything around is in an
uproar. Thank them for coming to visit us and picking up their phones and
writing their articles.
For a while now, women have been keeping my wife company and
withdrawing with her in prayer. They are begging God to protect me. Maybe they’re
even afraid for me.
And me?
I can’t say I’m not afraid, Sungur….I can’t say that.
But don’t fret, I’m not about to desert my country and run.
I’m used to living like this already, and from now on I will leave with a
little more fear. That’s all.